Como Student Community Cooperative. Photo: Chris Steller

The University of Minnesota has quickly, if quietly, begun to address threats posed by a toxic waste dump it discovered under student family housing in Southeast Minneapolis.

The university found the toxins under three buildings on a four-city-block residential complex last year.

On Sept. 18, 2008, workers digging a trench at the Como Student Community Cooperative found ash and debris in the ground at its complex. Samples tested that day showed high levels of several toxins, including arsenic and lead. More tests revealed more hazards, so within days, on an emergency basis, the university hauled away 558 tons of contaminated dirt to a landfill in Rosemount.

The university last week finished the first phase of cleanup work, bringing the total amount of soil removed so far to 10,000 tons.

For generations, children have lived and played on the land along East Hennepin Avenue between 27th and 29th avenues SE. And for generations, it seems, the soil around the houses has held rich deposits of lead and arsenic — so much so that a handful of dirt ingested by a child, “if it was from a hot spot, could potentially cause brain damage,” according to Lynne Grigor, project coordinator at the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency.

Toxins were detected from eight inches to eight feet below ground. Forty-eight soil tests revealed no pattern to the hot spots that would allow targeted removal.

Acting rapidly (compared to the usual pace for such projects) with more than $700,000 from Hennepin County and about $200,000 of its own money, the university last week finished the first phase of cleanup around two of the buildings, hauling away another 9,457 tons of soil.

With another application pending with the county’s brownfield fund, the university hopes to complete the cleanup next year.

Evidence of widespread effects on residents has not emerged. Several children have been tested, CSCC residents and staff said, but no one had heard of anyone showing high lead levels. University of Minnesota Environmental Health specialist Janet Dalgliesh said she knows of one case of elevated levels, for an unrelated toxin.

But it’s unclear whether that’s because the toxic dirt from the dump hasn’t affected anyone, or because people who have been affected haven’t yet been tested.

Jim Kelly, a health risk assessor at the Minnesota Department of Health, said his agency gets involved when local authorities request public health advice, or when blood tests reveal elevated lead levels in children. Neither has happened yet with CSCC, where several people said that the only tests specially spurred by the discovery — on older boys who dug deep in the dirt — didn’t have alarming results.

State law requires notification to the department only if a child younger than age six has more than 15 micrograms of lead per deciliter of blood, explained Erik Zabel, who works with immigrant populations for the department’s Childhood Lead Poisoning Prevention Program. The brains of children develop more quickly at that age and they’re more likely to get dirt in their mouths, he said.

In any case, Zabel said, the state doesn’t have responsibility to inspect for lead in Minneapolis, which has its own health department and lead-poisoning prevention programs, as well as a good rate of kids being tested.

Who knew what when?

Families of international students — married or in domestic partnerships — occupy just over half of CSCC’s 360 apartments (48 percent are from the United States or Canada, 18 percent from China). About 40 percent of the families have children, for a total population of about 1,000, according to General Manager Gerald Erickson, who has been at CSCC for 30 years and said he was surprised to learn about the pollution after the contractors found it last year.

CSCC from above. Toxins were found in soil around the three buildings at the north (upper) end of the complex. Photo: Google Maps

Once the contamination was discovered, Erickson said he left communication about it to the university’s Environmental Health staff, which provided email updates and fliers for residents and spoke at three co-op board meetings.

Board president Kendra Hernandez said the university offered to hold a special meeting for CSCC residents, but the board declined after no residents showed up at its board meeting for an announced university presentation on the topic. “There was never really a huge outcry” among residents, Hernandez said. The biggest complaint may have been about the orange fencing that kept people off the CSCC’s one recreation field and playground with swings. (An on-site child care center also used those play spaces, according to CSCC staff.)

One resident of a building where soil is being replaced, Rachel Dittli, said she considered the notices residents received adequate. But her husband, Albin, said he had concerns about dirt from the cleanup work blowing through windows into the apartment, including onto their kitchen table.

Another resident, Kaying Thao, has been less satisfied with the information she has seen since moving to a CSCC apartment in June. When she heard workers were removing ash, she thought they meant trees. Thao first learned details about the pollution Nov. 4, at a meeting of the broader neighborhood group, the Southeast Como Improvement Association (SECIA), which has made environmental efforts a priority since a pair of nearby chemical-plant fires in the late 1990s.

Two possibly affected populations are more in the dark. Residents living across the street only got notice about the pollution last week, thanks to a SECIA volunteer. Grigor said her agency will review whether adjacent properties can join the queue for state Superfund money. SECIA Environmental Coordinator Justin Eibenholtzl said he was disappointed that neither neighbors or the neighborhood group were notified.

Grigor said the pollution-control agency was also concerned about past residents of the dump-site housing, who wouldn’t know about the pollution at their former homes and may have moved to other polluted areas, increasing risks due to cumulative exposure. But while the MPCA has sometimes tried to track down people in similar situations, the health risks at CSCC aren’t high enough to trigger that sort of response, she said.

People tend to live at CSCC for only two to four years (and must move after seven), so exposure periods for individual residents are limited — a consideration in assessing risks, said the university’s Dalgleish. Short stays meant risks haven’t been “undue,” she said, but once the university learned of the pollution, any risk beyond a residential standard was “unacceptable.”

But high turnover at CSCC also means thousands of former residents don’t know they were living on a toxic waste dump.

Theories and skeptics

How did the ash get there and why did the university build housing on it?

The ash likely came from a municipal incinerator that operated in South Minneapolis from the 1930s until 1960, said Dalgleish, but dumping stopped after the university acquired the property in 1945.

Since 1947, thousands of young parents and children have lived in homes provided by the university on that property. First came quonset huts and trailers where families of G.I. Bill veterans set up housekeeping in the 1940s and 1950s. Then in the 1970s and 1980s came CSCC.

If construction crews noticed the ash in 1982, they may have seen it more for its advantages in building foundations than for its potential hazards. Although the federal Superfund laws were in place by then, contractors’ attitudes and practices concerning polluted building sites didn’t fully change until 1990, she said.

Photo by Chris Steller, Minnesota Independent

A good theory?

“I think that’s absolutely it,” said Tim Busse, a spokesman for University Services, which includes both Environmental Services and Facilities Management departments. “Attitudes have changed,” he said. The university would not build housing on an ash dump now, he said, but he doesn’t think the university is going to investigate why it happened 27 years ago. “Rather than trying to fix blame, the idea is now to fix the problem and get it cleaned up for the residents,” Busse said.

But the incinerator-dump theory has some detractors among older neighborhood residents.

Joe Stimark, who turned 87 on Monday, still lives in the house where he was born, three blocks from CSCC. He remembers playing baseball there, on what were then open fields. He can tick off the factories and other industrial neighbors down through the decades. He doesn’t remember a dump at the CSCC site.

Dave Williams, 88, a neighborhood resident since 1943, lives a block away from CSCC. Long in the excavation business, he knows how the lay of the land has been altered over the years but recalls no dump on the CSCC site. His guess: the university brought in fill to make a sloping site more level for the post-war quonset huts.

Also skeptical is Connie Sullivan, a neighborhood resident since 1977 and local historian since retiring from the university faculty. Her research shows the land sat unused as railroad property for 50 years before the university bought it.

Whenever the toxic ash arrived and whatever its source, one thing is certain: young people were playing on it. Like her father before her, Stimark’s daughter, Mary Gregg, and her neighborhood friends played hide-and-seek amid waist-high grass there in the late 1950s and 1960s, after the quonsets were gone. Boys drove go-carts there, coming home splattered with mud.

In the 1970s, intramural university softball teams played on three diamonds over the dump site, recalled alum Andy Mickel.

Now, the soil under the polluted play areas has all been removed and replaced. But the long delay put a strain on families with children, said Hernandez, the co-op board president, who coaches a kids’ soccer team on the play field. The pollution cleanup’s pace may have been quick by state standards, she said, but it didn’t feel that way to residents.

“Our big field was out of commission for so long,” she said. “People said, ‘Are they ever going to be done?’”

Hennepin Energy Recovery Center with Target Field (background right). Photo: Paul Schmelzer, MnIndy

The Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) won’t take a position — yet — on whether to require a new environmental study before Hennepin County’s downtown Minneapolis incinerator can burn more trash, because the agency doesn’t have a pending application for the project.

Foes of the expansion at the Hennepin facility petitioned the Minnesota Environmental Quality Board (EQB) for a new environmental assessment.

The EQB assigned the MPCA as the responsible governmental unit to decide whether the county’s proposed 20 percent increase in burning at the Hennepin Energy Recovery Center, operated by a private contractor, Covanta Energy.

The MPCA told three petitioner groups in letters sent this week that the agency won’t say whether a new assessment is needed without having a pending permit application from Hennepin County.

The petitions will stay current for one year, said Craig Affeldt, head of the MPCA’s environmental review unit, and the agency would restart its review upon receiving an application. The petitioners could also renew their requests if an application is still not in by September 2010, Affeldt tells the Minnesota Independent.

Covanta was stymied last summer by the Minneapolis Planning Commission, which voted down the burner expansion plan on the grounds of potential health impacts from burning more trash. Commissioners weren’t satisfied with information from the environmental review done two decades ago at the facility’s construction, and another more recent study for the new Minnesota Twins stadium across the street.

Covanta appealed to the Minneapolis City Council’s zoning and planning committee, but abruptly withdrew its application at a public hearing. A new hearing before the committee is set for next month.

Nancy Hone of Neighbors Against the Burner, interviewed before learning about the MPCA’s action, said the group is looking beyond merely stopping an expansion. “We’re going to shut it down,” Hone vowed.

Photo: H2OAlchemist, Flickr

“We’re expecting a tsunami of stuff,” state Rep. Paul Gardner, DFL-Shoreview, told the Star Tribune last month. The former executive director of the Recycling Association of Minnesota, he predicts a spike in analog TV sets hitting recyclers as the digital TV conversion deadline approaches.

A four-month delay of the mid-February switchover passed in the Senate Monday would seem to lessen the severity of that storm into a mere squall, but this afternoon House Republicans shot down a similar effort to extend the deadline, leaving the Feb. 17 transition in place.

With just three weeks to go, it raises a few questions. Will consumers opt for converting their old analog TVs or end up ditching them for newer digital-ready sets? If so, how big will the spike in discarded and toxin-laden televisions be?

The picture on that last question is fuzzy, according to local government officials, thrift store owners and landfill operators who’d likely be processing discarded sets.

Dwight, the attendant at the Burnsville Sanitary Landfill (who wouldn’t give his last name) said, “There’s probably more [TVs dropped off] than usual.”

But Mary Sherman, manager of the Savers thrift store on Minneapolis’ Lake Street, said the expected “deluge” of analog sets coming into the store didn’t come to pass. “There are more coming in, but not what I was thinking. I think maybe people are converting more than anything else,” she said.

Likewise, Susan Young, director of Minneapolis’ Solid Waste and Recycling Division, said, “Amazingly, our TV pickups are down right now.”

The city, which includes the disposal of appliances like TVs in regular solid waste fees paid by residents, is seeing far lower rates of appliance and metal pickups than the average, she said. The city usually has around 400 such pickups a day, but now that number is between 50 and 60 daily, Young said.

By contrast, the Twin Cities Salvation Army has seen a 30 percent to 40 percent increase in TVs left at their “in-demand donation sites,” the drop-offs not monitored by employees.

Three months ago, the organization stopped accepting TVs, says John Hulteen, director of operations at the Minneapolis Adult Rehabilitation Center, “because it becomes nothing but an e-waste product for us.”

Disposal of such TVs can cost $15 to $20 per set at area recyclers, but the Salvation Army has a deal with a recycler who charges 12 cents per pound. Currently, Hulteen says, the eight-store network pays nearly $4,000 each month in recycling fees.

Same for Hennepin County, which partners with the city of Minneapolis in recycling appliances. Last year, the county had 12 percent more pickups compared to 2007, said Amy Roering of Hennepin’s Environmental Services division. In 2008, 50,005 televisions were collected — 5,400 more than the year before. (Since 2001, Hennepin County has collected 278,379 sets for recycling, Roering added.)

That volume of discarded televisions could pose serious environmental problems. According to John Nordwell, owner of Hopkins’ Avista Recycling, “There’s lead in the tubes, and in the green board, there’s material that’s not good for the ground.”

But little of it will actually get into the ground. Thanks to legislation banning electronics dumping in 2006, the 2007 signing of the Electronics Recycling Act, which requires manufacturers of monitors and TVs to “collect and recycle 60 percent by weight of their products sold in Minnesota,” numbers are way up for recycling programs, according to a Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) report.

According to data provided by the MPCA’s Garth Hickle, the first year of the Act saw 153 collectors pick up a whopping 33.4 million pounds of such devices statewide.

As for Rep. Gardner’s “tsunami”? Reached by email this week, he was optimistic about recyclers’ ability to deal with discarded TVs.

“The good news is that the collection programs have been in place for awhile, a lot of consumers have gotten rid of their stockpiles and the recyclers are ready,” he said. “So hopefully the tsunami will end up being just a big wave.”

Photo: H20Alchemist, Flickr

As on Friday, five sitting justices grilled campaign attorneys, signaling dissatisfaction with both sides’ positions on a Coleman recount lawsuit. (Two of the seven-member court absented themselves because they’re serving on the State Canvassing Board that the Coleman campaign has been named as a defendant in the duplicates case.)

Roger Magnuson, Coleman’s attorney, asserted there’s evidence of double counting in 25 counties and wants the State Canvassing Board to check it out before certifying the vote. The double counting allegedly happened when voters’ original ballots got separated from the duplicate ballots onto which local election officials transferred the votes when vote-counting machines couldn’t read the original.

“This disenfranchises all the other voters,” Magnuson said, adding that the narrow margin of the race, which now unofficially has Franken at a 47-vote advantage, raises the specter “that the loser is declared the winner.”

Associate Justice Paul Anderson prodded Magnuson on questions of evidence and process. “Isn’t this an evidentiary issue best left for an election contest?” Anderson asked. (Election contests are lawsuits filed after the State Canvassing Board certifies the election results.) He also asked how the electoral emergency that the Coleman side asserts in the lawsuit measures up against the judicial yardstick scenario of a house burning down.

“[There is] enough suspicion, enough evidence,” Magnuson said. “[We're asking for] an extraordinary intervention simply to do the due diligence to settle this matter.”

Magnuson cited comments of concern about the likelihood of double-counted votes that Associate Supreme Court Justice G. Barry Anderson made last week as a member of the State Canvassing Board. (Chief Justice Eric Magnuson was also not present for today’s hearing because, like G. Barry Anderson, he’s on the State Canvassing Board.) Associate Justice Alan Page bristled at that: “Our fellow justices aren’t here and they don’t have to wrestle with this issue like we do.”

One major point of contention was how much work the requested court action would compel on the part of local election officials. Attorney Magnuson said it would be limited to 25 precincts statewide; “They’re cherry picking,” Franken attorney Bill Pentelovich countered. The Coleman camp is trying to rewrite agreed-upon rules for counting duplicate ballots, he said, and to ensure fairness “all 4,001 precincts would have to be recounted.”

Attorney Dan Rogan, speaking on behalf of defendant Hennepin County, said Coleman’s suit was wrong to single out counties at all because the remedy of recounting bypasses county canvassing boards.

Assistant Minneapolis City Attorney Peter Ginder said statements by City Elections Director Cindy Reichert about cases of double-counted votes — which Coleman’s camp frequently cites to buttress its claims — merely represented one of several possible explanations for tabulation discrepancies.

Attorney General Lori Swanson asserted the State Canvassing Board’s duty to sidestep the duplicate ballot question since — despite four of its members being judges — it has no authority to conduct the necessary fact-finding and make judgements based on such evidence.

That wasn’t sufficient, Attorney Magnuson said: “This court ought not to remain passive because this particular issue might determine the election in terms of who’s declared [victor].”

With that the court adjourned, making no immediate ruling from the bench — though a decision could come at any time.

It’s there, in the Dinkytown neighborhood on the edge of the University of Minnesota campus, that poll workers recorded 133 more votes than they have ballots to show for it. It’s also there that students trying to vote via Minnesota’s same-day registration process were turned away in a re-run of a major snafu at another campus polling place during the general election two years ago.

As the Minnesota Independent reported Nov. 25, residents at The Chateau student co-op highrise who tried to register at the polls on Election Day, using proof of residency issued by the building’s management office as a second form of ID, were turned away until as late as 5 p.m. For the MnIndy video accompanying that story, student Jill Stein told of returning to the polling place twice before giving up and voting at her parents’ home precinct in the suburbs. How many of the 290 students who live in The Chateau likewise made honest attempts but were ultimately unable to vote is anyone’s guess.

The Chateau fiasco is a direct descendant of a similar situation that happened nearby during the 2006 election, as Beth Fraser, government affairs director at the Minnesota Secretary of State’s office, explained in an interview with MnIndy last month. Residents of the Melrose Student Suites, an off-campus housing complex in the nearby Stadium Village area, likewise pay utilities as part of their rent, and poll workers rejected documentation from the building management as a form of ID.

Just as with Chateau residents this year, students from the Melrose who tried to register at the polls in 2006 had to wait until late on Election Day to cast their ballots. That’s when Hennepin County Judge Gary Larson ruled in favor of a petition from Melrose resident and first-year U of M student Greg Shaffer. Larson ordered election officials to accept the Melrose proof of residency and to keep the polling place open an hour later. In doing so, Larson overruled a decision by then-Secretary of State Mary Kiffmeyer to deny the students ballots.

The case had broader repercussions. The new secretary of state who won election in 2006, Mark Ritchie, wanted to take the office in a voter-positive direction after the Kiffmeyer-era policies that sometimes emphasized voter suppression. In the wake of the Melrose decision, his office “proposed and adopted
 rule changes to allow the use of the itemized rent statement in lieu of a 
utility bill,” Fraser wrote in an e-mail to MnIndy this week. As she tells it:

In 2008, a new proof of residence was authorized specifically to address the 
challenges of registering to vote by those whose utilities are included in 
their rent: a rent statement from a resident’s landlord that itemizes their 
utilities. The statement that the Chateau originally provided did not 
suffice, because it was not addressed to the student and did not itemize 
their utility expenses. Residents of the Chateau later received a revised
statement and used it to register to vote.

But despite Ritchie’s intention to resolve this kind of polling-place problem, the new rule came as a surprise to The Chateau’s management when they found out about it on Election Day, and the result was the same for students who were unable to vote for most of the day.

How does Ritchie’s office plan to avoid yet another repeat of the problem next time? Fraser writes:

This office will work with the Minnesota Multi Housing Association and student organizations to ensure that apartment building owners and students are familiar with what is needed in a rent statement that can be used in combination with a photo ID for the purpose of Election Day Registration.

The Minnesota Daily, in an editorial this week — following a news story that, like MnIndy’s, featured Chateau resident Jill Stein — recommended just such an approach to city election officials, reminding its student readers, “Your vote should count.”

But with the lost and missing votes in Minneapolis Precinct 1, Ward 3 already playing a central role in the current recount drama, more drastic proposals for Minnesota to get its election practices right are sure to be advanced.

Indeed, one already has: Ritchie’s rival for the DFL endorsement in 2006, Christian Sande, wrote an article earlier this year urging the state to consider following Wisconsin’s example and grant responsibility for managing elections to a commission of current and retired judges. It’s a move that could involve doing away with the office of secretary of state altogether.

Elias told a news conference this morning of the case in Beltrami County (where officials have already provided the names Franken seeks) in which an elderly woman’s absentee ballot was rejected because her current stroke-impaired signature didn’t match the signature on file.

Pressed for more examples, Elias and campaign spokesman Andy Barr declined, refusing even to enumerate how many such cases it had learned of, responding that learning about more such cases was the point of the lawsuit.

Another reason counties reject absentee ballots is improper witnessing, Elias noted — a point confirmed by Beth Fraser, director of government affairs at the Minnesota Secretary of State’s office, who also said in an interview with the Minnesota Independent that late-arriving absentee ballots get rejected.

UPDATE: Barr tells Minnesota Public Radio that the Franken campaign had gotten the Beltrami County story wrong and the unnamed woman’s absentee ballot had been rejected for improper witnessing, not a signature mismatch.

Only about a dozen counties have so far complied with the Franken campaign’s data requests, Elias said. Among the counties denying Franken the names are Minnesota’s largest, Hennepin and Ramsey in the Twin Cities. Elias said the campaign had learned from officials at unspecified counties that the Coleman campaign was also seeking the data, and he invited Coleman to join the suit. If the counties don’t comply, Elias said further legal action could follow.

Here’s video from today’s press conference at Franken campaign headquarters in St. Paul. It begins with spokesman Barr summing up a series of debunked reports about the vote count, followed by attorney Elias’ description of an improperly rejected absentee ballot and the campaign’s lawsuit to learn whose absentee ballots were rejected.

Minneapolis Police Department officers stand guard outside the Food Not Bombs house. Photo: Jeff Severns Guntzel

Minnesota Independent RNC reporter Jeff Severns Guntzel is at the Minneapolis Food Not Bombs house, which was raided by police this morning. Facts are still coming in, but Guntzel says that at 8 a.m. neighbors near the home, located at 2301 23rd Avenue South, reported hearing a loud bang followed by yelling. A single police squad car was parked out front. When Guntzel arrived he saw eight or nine officers enter the house in what he says is a joint operation between officers of the Ramsey County Sheriff’s Department, the Minneapolis Police Depatment, and the FBI. According to one witness who was in the house at the time of the raid, the action is related to last night’s raid on the RNC Welcoming Committee’s “convergence space.” Several other spaces have been raided this morning.

Around 9:20, two Minneapolis Police Property & Evidence trucks pulled up. Present were a Hennepin County Sheriffs’ crime lab truck, a Ramsey County Sheriffs’ squad and an MPD squad, plus at least four unmarked cars parked facing the wrong direction in traffic. Police tape is marking off the yard.

Two men are released from the Food Not Bombs house as reporters, neighbors, and supporters look on. Photo: Jeff Severns Guntzel

At one point a five-year-old boy was escorted from the home by police. In what Guntzel calls a “sweet moment,” the boy told police he wanted his markers, and the officer went in and came back out a few minutes later. “These are the only colors I could find,” the officer said. “Did I get the right stuff?”

As MnIndy reported on Thursday, rumors of a weekend sweep of activist organizations have been swirling. In the last 12 hours, at least three other sites, from the RNC Welcoming Committee’s “convergence space” in St. Paul to sites in South Minneapolis have been raided.

Officers and agents from the Minneapolis Police Department, Hennepin County Sheriff's Office, Ramsey County Sheriff's office and the FBI collaborated on the raid. Photo: Jeff Severns Guntzel

9:45 A woman named Heather Adams just came out of the Food Not Bombs house and gave Guntzel the following account: She arrived from Chicago at 3 a.m. this morning with plans to protest at the RNC. At 8 a.m. she woke up to find police in the house wearing riot gear and camouflage flak jackets. She says they had rifles drawn. Adams has a broken ankle, and when officers ordered her to roll over on her stomach, she says she was slow to do so and the officer, she says, pushed her with his boot.

Adams says one arrest was made. Nathanael Secor, a main organizer of FNB, was arrested on charges of conspiracy to riot, she says.

9:54: Guntzel says a Ramsey County warrant was served, and the house is now occupied only by law enforcement agents. Evidence has been taken out the back of the house. Adams said law enforcement took photos of maps of St. Paul which were present in the house, as well as house plants. Adams also said that a city inspector was on site as well. The house, according to one law enforcement official, has links to the RNC Welcoming Committee.

10:03: Guntzel has in hand a Hennepin County warrant. It indicates law enforcement was searching for incendiary devices, smoke bombs, urine and feces, and other items. See a transcription of the warrant here. [Update: PDF]

In the alley behind the house, two Minneapolis Police Department Property & Evidence trucks wait to be loaded. Photo: Jeff Severns Guntzel

10:44: The RNC Welcoming Committee issued a press release noting that four individuals were arrested in the raids: Monica Bicking, Eryn Trimmer, Garrett Fitzgerald, and Nathanael Secor. The press release also notes that “Search warrants for 2 of the 3 raided houses listed only one name apiece, each of individuals not present at the houses and, thus, not arrested.”

Other noteworthy GOPers supporting Luger are former Sen. Rudy Boschwitz, longtime party activist and former gubernatorial candidate Wheelock Whitney, broadcasting mogul Stanley Hubbard, and TCF executive and former state GOP Party chair Bill Cooper.

Now, Luger is your basic progressive DFLer, a guy who has navigated his way masterfully through the party process during the past 18 months and seems poised to neutralize Mike Freeman’s name recognition in the November election. What persuaded him to recruit some of the state’s most notable conservatives (Boschwitz and Whitney) and notorious right-wingers (Hubbard and Cooper) for his cause?

To hear Luger’s campaign manager, Gia Vitali, tell it, the candidate didn’t really seek them out. “Andy’s hard work has paid off,

When I sat down with Luger earlier this week and asked him about Freeman’s challenge and how he was distinguishing himself from a guy with a statewide profile, he noted that Freeman’s “been a politician half of his life